Adding the role of global value chainsAn obvious reason for the low explanatory power of price competitiveness is that a large part of trade involves intermediates products – i.e. inputs used within rather well established global value chains (GVCs) – and is thus far less influenced by pure exchange rate considerations. Against this background, we follow the recent approach by Benkovskis and Wörz (2015). We look at value-added in exports of final products, which is defined as the (direct and indirect) value-added of a specific country in total world exports of final products. This is done by using global value added matrices out of the WIOD database (Timmer et al. 2015).3 As a result, we can observe how increasing participation in GVCs affects the market shares of emerging countries. In addition, the structure of weights of the decomposition of the non-price component is replaced by that resulting from bilateral trade measured in value-added terms.
The results are not directly comparable to the one previously presented, but what is obvious is the extent to which – yet again – there is a large cross-country differentiation, here in the role of GVCs. While for big European countries and Japan the contribution is negative, signalling outsourcing of production to developing countries, emerging Asian countries increase their role in global production. But strong heterogeneity exists within emerging Asia. For China, for instance, the role of value chains in fostering export share changes – proxied by the component ‘shift in production chains’ – appears to be much smaller than for India, where lately it accounts for almost one third of the change in market shares. The message remains clear, however: price factors are not the only driving force behind export market share changes, and there is a need to get deeper into non-price components.
Figure 6. Developing Asia: Decomposition of changes in value-added export market share of final products

ConclusionsBy disentangling the impact of exchange rate changes on trade results, we have shown that the underlying assumption of the ‘currency wars’ discussion – that devaluations bring about substantial export gains – may be severely flawed. Non-price/non-exchange rate factors often appear to explain the lion’s share of export outcomes, and this is particularly the case when exports are measured in value-added terms. We have also provided rather compelling evidence that the extent of this non-price/non-exchange rate component is highly diversified across a sample of developed and emerging economies in Europe and in Asia. This amounts to a strong call for caution in trusting too extensively in the ‘power’ of the exchange rate.
Authors’ note: The opinions expressed not necessarily reflect those of the ECB or the ESCB.
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ANNEX: Decomposition of changes in (gross) export market share – additional Asian countries
Endnotes[1] RXP is a better measure of price competitiveness than the real effective exchange rate as it considers the export prices (including the exchange rate) of any countries with respect to their world competitors.
[2] The negative contribution of price factors is in line with the CPI-based REER of Singapore, which appreciates since 2005. In 2014, however, our indicator diverges from REER and indicates a sharp real appreciation. This could be related to the increase of Singapore's export prices for some narrow product groups that are traded in highly competitive markets.
[3] Note that actual WIOD data are available only up to 2011. We assume that the structure of global value chains did not change between 2011 and 2014. Thus, we may underestimate the contribution of ‘shifts in production chains’ during 2012-2014.