ÌâÄ¿ÊÇChina and India suddenly vulnerable ÔÎÄ¿ÉÔÚÂÛ̳ÖÐÏÂÔØ
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µ«ÎÄÕµĽáÂÛÈ´ÊÇAsia¡¯s two big beasts are shivering. India¡¯s economy is weaker, but China¡¯s leaders have more
to fear¡£
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ÎÄÕÂ˵£ºIn two respects, however, India has a big advantage over China in coping with an economic slowdown. It
has all-too extensive experience in it; and it has a political system that can cope with disgruntlement
without suffering existential doubts. India pays an economic price for its democracy. Decision-making is
cumbersome. And as in China, unrest and even insurgency are widespread. But the political system has a
resilience and flexibility that China¡¯s own leaders, it seems, believe they lack. They are worrying about
how to cope with protests.
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But as China enters a trying year of anniversaries¡ªthe 50th of the suppression of an uprising in Tibet;
the 20th of the quashing of the Tiananmen Square protests; the 60th of the founding of the People¡¯s
Republic itself¡ªit may be worth remembering that the winter of 1978-79 saw not only a party Central
Committee plenum but also the ¡°Democracy Wall¡± movement in Beijing. It was a brief flowering of thefreedom of expression, quite remarkable after the xenophobic isolation of the Cultural Revolution. Deng,
like Mao Zedong before him, tolerated the dissident movement as long as it served his ends, and then
stamped it out. In so doing he thwarted what Wei Jingsheng, the most famous of the wall-writers, had
dubbed ¡°the fifth modernisation¡±: democracy. China still needs it.