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从国际经济学的角度理解鸦片战争前后的中国外贸 [推广有奖]

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danielmira 发表于 2009-12-28 20:40:07 |AI写论文

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从国际经济学的角度理解鸦片战争前后的中国外贸


From Daniel's Blog: http://danielyoung.blog.sohu.com/

(BTW, I find my "signature" ridiculously large.)

题目取得很大。其实只是我读徐中约先生《中国近代史》时候的一个旁批罢了。考虑到问题的典型性,或许已经有人讨论过相关问题。如果有的话,欢迎大家指点下。


从自由贸易的角度来看鸦片战争是很有意思的。当代的自由贸易理念是与反对倾销等措施并存的。在WTO框架下是允许进口国在进口商品对本国工业造成实质性损害的时候采取safeguard的措施的。当时的来自西方的进口商品显然对中国的传统经济造成了毁灭性的打击。当然当时贸易体系远远没有今天这么成熟,并无这些救济措施可以使用。另外,当时贸易的特色之一就是鸦片贸易占有很大比例。显然,这种贸易按今天的标准看是不受自由贸易原则的保护的。
从国际金融的角度看这个时候的贸易就更有意思了。我们经常假设,如果没有政府的干预,那么市场就会自我纠正达到均衡。在这种假说下,一个可能的机制是什么呢?中国大量进口,出口较少,从而造成大量的经常账户赤字,从而导致本币贬值,从而导致外国商品在本国卖的更贵,而本国商品在外国卖的更便宜,从而减少经常账户赤字,从而达到均衡。从当时中国“白银大量外流”的事实来看,我们国际贸易的结算货币是白银。在银本位的条件下怎么贬值?另外,如果鸦片的贸易是主要的成分的话。鸦片是成瘾性的商品,即便它的价格相对于国内其他商品的价格上升了,这种商品的消费未必然会大幅下降。
我显然还需要增加经济史(包括货币史)和国际经济学的知识才能透彻的讨论这个问题。


下文转贴自WTO官方网站:http://www.wto.org/english/thewto_e/whatis_e/tif_e/agrm8_e.htm
Anti-dumping, subsidies, safeguards: contingencies, etc
Binding tariffs, and applying them equally to all trading partners (most-favoured-nation treatment, or MFN) are key to the smooth flow of trade in goods. The WTO agreements uphold the principles, but they also allow exceptions — in some circumstances. Three of these issues are:
actions taken against dumping (selling at an unfairly low price)
subsidies and special “countervailing” duties to offset the subsidies
emergency measures to limit imports temporarily, designed to “safeguard” domestic industries.(发贴的长度有限制,所以我删掉了部分引用文献)




   

Safeguards: emergency protection from imports back to top

A WTO member may restrict imports of a product temporarily (take “safeguard” actions) if its domestic industry is injured or threatened with injury caused by a surge in imports. Here, the injury has to be serious. Safeguard measures were always available under GATT (Article 19). However, they were infrequently used, some governments preferring to protect their domestic industries through “grey area” measures — using bilateral negotiations outside GATT’s auspices, they persuaded exporting countries to restrain exports “voluntarily” or to agree to other means of sharing markets. Agreements of this kind were reached for a wide range of products: automobiles, steel, and semiconductors, for example.

The WTO agreement broke new ground. It prohibits “grey-area” measures, and it sets time limits (a “sunset clause”) on all safeguard actions. The agreement says members must not seek, take or maintain any voluntary export restraints, orderly marketing arrangements or any other similar measures on the export or the import side. The bilateral measures that were not modified to conform with the agreement were phased out at the end of 1998. Countries were allowed to keep one of these measures an extra year (until the end of 1999), but only the European Union — for restrictions on imports of cars from Japan — made use of this provision.

An import “surge” justifying safeguard action can be a real increase in imports (an absolute increase); or it can be an increase in the imports’ share of a shrinking market, even if the import quantity has not increased (relative increase).

Industries or companies may request safeguard action by their government. The WTO agreement sets out requirements for safeguard investigations by national authorities. The emphasis is on transparency and on following established rules and practices — avoiding arbitrary methods. The authorities conducting investigations have to announce publicly when hearings are to take place and provide other appropriate means for interested parties to present evidence. The evidence must include arguments on whether a measure is in the public interest.

The agreement sets out criteria for assessing whether “serious injury” is being caused or threatened, and the factors which must be considered in determining the impact of imports on the domestic industry. When imposed, a safeguard measure should be applied only to the extent necessary to prevent or remedy serious injury and to help the industry concerned to adjust. Where quantitative restrictions (quotas) are imposed, they normally should not reduce the quantities of imports below the annual average for the last three representative years for which statistics are available, unless clear justification is given that a different level is necessary to prevent or remedy serious injury.

In principle, safeguard measures cannot be targeted at imports from a particular country. However, the agreement does describe how quotas can be allocated among supplying countries, including in the exceptional circumstance where imports from certain countries have increased disproportionately quickly. A safeguard measure should not last more than four years, although this can be extended up to eight years, subject to a determination by competent national authorities that the measure is needed and that there is evidence the industry is adjusting. Measures imposed for more than a year must be progressively liberalized.

When a country restricts imports in order to safeguard its domestic producers, in principle it must give something in return. The agreement says the exporting country (or exporting countries) can seek compensation through consultations. If no agreement is reached the exporting country can retaliate by taking equivalent action — for instance, it can raise tariffs on exports from the country that is enforcing the safeguard measure. In some circumstances, the exporting country has to wait for three years after the safeguard measure was introduced before it can retaliate in this way — i.e. if the measure conforms with the provisions of the agreement and if it is taken as a result of an increase in the quantity of imports from the exporting country.

To some extent developing countries’ exports are shielded from safeguard actions. An importing country can only apply a safeguard measure to a product from a developing country if the developing country is supplying more than 3% of the imports of that product, or if developing country members with less than 3% import share collectively account for more than 9% of total imports of the product concerned.

The WTO’s Safeguards Committee oversees the operation of the agreement and is responsible for the surveillance of members’ commitments. Governments have to report each phase of a safeguard investigation and related decision-making, and the committee reviews these reports.

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关键词:国际经济学 鸦片战争 中国外贸 国际经济 经济学 中国 国际经济学 外贸 角度 鸦片战争

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博客:http://danielyoung.blog.sohu.com/

沙发
Dusty 发表于 2010-1-15 21:21:53
interesting!!!!!!!!!!!!!

藤椅
贺俊翔 发表于 2010-1-16 21:12:54
很特别的视角~我也参与下

清代币制,银两和铜钱(或称制钱)并用。小额买卖通用铜钱,大宗交易以纹银收支;完粮纳税,银、钱搭配。清初规定银与钱的法定比价为银一两合制钱一千文(云南例外,钱一千二百文作银一两)。这个比价一直维持到十九世纪二十年代。此后,外商以鸦片抵补贸易逆差,使白银大量外流。据时人黄爵滋估计,每岁外流银两数,从一八二三年前的“数百万两”,经一八二三年至一八三一年间“一千七八百万两”、一八三一年至一八三四年间的“二千余万两”、一八三四年至一八三八年间达“三千余万两”。这还只是单计广东地区说的。此外,福建、浙江、山东、天津各海口所外流的白银,还没有计算在内,“合之亦数千万两”。银价因白银大量外流而上升,钱价大幅度地下跌,到一八四○年鸦片战争爆发时,每银一两,易制钱一千六百有零,与法定比价相较,涨了百分之六十!

鸦片战争期间,鸦片仍有走私进口。从战争结束至一八五○年间,贸易情况发生变化,鸦片走私进口量“续有增益”,但同时期中丝茶出口“激增”。出现了在前五年白银外流仍多;到了后五年日趋减少,而渐趋向平衡。在这十年里,白银每年外流究有多少?据林则徐估算:“岁去五千万有数可稽,其以洋银人者不及一也”,则该在四千五百万两上下。到了十九世纪五十年代初叶以后,随着出口丝茶的增长,对外收支平衡才有所好转。

上述由贸易逆差而外流的白银,还没有包括西北陆路贸易和边境贸易上的纹银“出边”量;其数究有多少,无从查考,估计也不少。

鸦片本身的特性,使得它能够“控制”消费,使其自身,对于特定消费者成为一种必需品。英国商人利用鸦片打开中国市场,而后又以保护商人利益,军事介入。从经济学我们了解到,开放市场对于参与者的益处。但是前提应该是交易双方地位的平等。中国市场被强制打开,封建经济瓦解加速,这些在现在看来的确是积极影响。不过不能因此认为是外国干预,推动中国走向开放。如果没有后来抗击奴役的革命,争取独立自主的经济地位,得到的“开放市场”,是殖民地经济——由殖民地提供初级产品而由宗主国提供工业制成品的贸易关系。

印度20世纪初的经济状况就是代表:亚洲最早的机械纺织厂座落在孟买﹐比大阪还早了约20年﹔1914年﹐印度的棉纺织业已是全球第四大。1910年时拥有亚洲大陆将近八成五的铁路网的国家——英属印度。印度当时的铁路网是全球第三大。印度的这种经济发展,给印度带来的危害,至今存在。

板凳
danielmira 发表于 2010-2-2 09:37:07
3# 贺俊翔 x

谢谢回复!把经济史和国际经济学结合起来别有趣味。
博客:http://danielyoung.blog.sohu.com/

报纸
bwhbwh 发表于 2010-2-2 14:33:53
是严肃和有趣的学术角度 ,值 得深入研究。

地板
特洛伊之岸 发表于 2010-2-2 17:16:25
是银本位制额~~
孤独时一种罪吗?堕落是一种罪吗.......

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