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英文文献：Informality and Productivity in Bolivia: A Gender Differentiated Empirical Analysis-非正式性与玻利维亚生产力:性别差异的实证分析
英文文献作者：Lykke E. Andersen,Beatriz Muriel
英文文献摘要：
The urban labor market in Bolivia can be divided into 4 main sectors: 1) the public sector, 2) the formal private sector, 3) self-employed informals, and 4) informal workers. Although incomes are generally higher in the public sector and in the formal private sector, there is a strong preference in Bolivia for being informally self-employed. Two thirds of both men and women in urban areas respond that they would prefer to be self-employed rather than a salaried employee, and few see any advantage of becoming formal under the current institutional set-up. Currently, half of all economically active women in urban areas are informally self-employed, while this is the case for only one third of men. This implies that women are actually closer to the desired state than men, according to their own preferences. The real problem for women is not that they are informally self-employed, but rather that the profitability of their informal enterprises is low. On average, monthly profits of female micro-entrepreneurs is about 40% lower than those of male micro-entrepreneurs. This report uses quantitative information from about 600 micro and small enterprises to break down and understand this gender gap in profitability, and the results show that almost the whole gap is due to the fact that women operate their businesses on a much smaller scale (with less productive capital and fewer employees) than men. Why do female entrepreneurs operate on a smaller scale? One partial explanation is that they do not want to grow, because the business then would loose some of the features that make a micro-business particularly attractive for women (not to depend on others, to be able to care for children simultaneously, flexible working hours, and daily revenues). More important, however, is the lack of access to capital. Micro and small businesses operated by women have only a third of the operating capital of male operated businesses. There are two main reasons for this. First, women generally have fewer opportunities to accumulate capital, both because their household and reproductive work takes time away from paid work, and because they tend to earn less than men when they do work for money. Second, they do not have access to credit on reasonable terms. Access by itself is not the problem, as there is a very active micro-credit industry in Bolivia, but the terms are so unattractive that women try to avoid it if at all possible. The interest rates are high (20-40% per year); the group-lending practices increases the risk for the borrower, as they may end up paying other group members’ debt also; and they are typically required to assist at compulsory training courses twice a month, which is demanding for busy women running both a business and a household. Banks offer loans at more reasonable terms, but the requirements are difficult for micro-entrepreneurs to comply with (especially proof of a monthly pay check) and the risk is large as an entire house is often put up as collateral for even a small loan. Capital and credit is not a binding constraint in all sectors, however. On average, returns to additional capital investments are estimated to be relatively high (internal rates of return of over 20%) in the food sales sector, the textile clothing sector, and the camelid clothing sector. In contrast, they are estimated to be negative for grocery stores and the transport sector, which have experienced overinvestment to the extent that the returns to both capital and labor in these two sectors have been severely depressed. Even in the sectors where returns to capital are relatively high, a doubling of productive capital would not lead to a doubling of monthly profits. In fact, estimation results show strongly diminishing returns to scale, which means that micro-enterprises have little incentive to grow. Under the current institutional setup in Bolivia, it makes more economic sense to have several identical micro-enterprises in the family rather than one larger enterprise, and this is indeed often observed in practice. This is partly due to the characteristics of the sectors (for example, several small stores can capture a larger market due to the geographical dispersion), but it is mostly due to the tax-system, which becomes very demanding, both in terms of bureaucratic procedures and in terms of tax burden, as soon as an enterprise grows past a certain threshold. Under the current institutional set up, micro-entrepreneurs perceive no benefits from becoming formal, and indeed estimation results confirm that formality would lower the monthly profits of micro-enterprises (less than 3 workers and less than $1000 in operating capital) by 30-40%. Slightly bigger firms (3-5 workers), however, may benefit from getting a NIT and thus be able to offer facturas to the clients.
玻利维亚的城市劳动力市场可分为4个主要部门:1)公共部门，2)正式私营部门，3)个体经营的非正式人员，和4)非正式工人。虽然公共部门和正规私营部门的收入一般较高，但玻利维亚强烈倾向于非正式的自营职业。城市地区三分之二的男子和妇女回答说，他们宁愿自己创业，而不愿当受薪雇员，而且很少有人认为在目前的体制体制下成为正式雇员有任何好处。目前，在城市地区所有从事经济活动的妇女中，有一半是非正式的自营职业者，而只有三分之一的男子是这样。这意味着根据她们自己的喜好，女性实际上比男性更接近理想状态。对妇女来说，真正的问题不在于她们是非正式的个体经营者，而在于她们非正式企业的盈利能力很低。平均而言，女性微企业家的月利润比男性微企业家低约40%。本报告使用定量信息从600微型和小型企业分解和理解这种性别差距在盈利能力,结果表明,几乎整个差距是由于女性经营其业务规模小得多(生产性资本少、雇员)多于男性。为什么女性企业家的经营规模更小?一个部分的解释是,他们不想成长,因为业务将松散的一些特性,使妇女做特别有吸引力(不要依靠别人,同时能够照顾孩子,灵活的工作时间,和每日收入)。然而，更重要的是缺乏获得资金的途径。妇女经营的微型和小型企业的经营资本只有男性经营企业的三分之一。这主要有两个原因。首先，女性积累资本的机会普遍较少，这既是因为她们的家务和生育工作占用了有酬工作的时间，也是因为她们为钱而工作时往往比男性挣得少。其次，他们无法以合理的条件获得信贷。获得贷款本身并不是问题，因为玻利维亚有一个非常活跃的小额贷款行业，但贷款条件太不吸引人，妇女尽量避免贷款。利率高(每年20-40%);集体借贷的做法增加了借款人的风险，因为他们最终可能还要偿还其他团体成员的债务;她们通常被要求协助参加每月两次的强制性培训课程，这对既经商又持家的忙碌女性来说是一项艰巨的任务。银行以更合理的条款提供贷款，但这些要求对微型企业家来说很难遵守(尤其是每月的工资证明)，而且风险很大，因为即使是小额贷款，也常常要把整栋房子作为抵押。然而，资本和信贷并不是所有部门的约束性约束。平均而言，在食品销售部门、纺织服装部门和camelid服装部门，额外资本投资的回报率估计相对较高(内部回报率超过20%)。相比之下，据估计，食品杂货店和交通运输部门的利润为负，这两个部门都经历了过度投资，以致于这两个部门的资本和劳动力回报都受到了严重的抑制。即使在资本回报率相对较高的行业，生产性资本翻倍也不会导致月度利润翻倍。事实上，估计结果显示规模收益显著递减，这意味着微型企业几乎没有成长的动力。在玻利维亚目前的体制设置下，在家庭中而不是在家庭上拥有几家相同的微型企业更有经济意义
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