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关于:罗伯特·海尔布罗纳《尘世的哲学家》 [推广有奖]

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(1)我一直在找罗伯特·海尔布罗纳的<尘世的哲学家>, 它的英文名字叫做:<the worldy philosophers>!

请问一下,这本书最新版本的中译本叫什么名字,是哪个出版社,什么时候出版的,我很想买一本,但是查询不到.

(2)另外一个问题:请问在经济史中,最经典的书应该是哪一本或者哪几本呢?求教,谢谢了!!!

[此贴子已经被作者于2006-3-13 14:45:12编辑过]

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关键词:尘世的哲学家 海尔布罗纳 罗伯特 哲学家 最新版本 尘世的哲学家

沙发
briyant 发表于 2006-3-13 14:46:00 |只看作者 |坛友微信交流群
经济学家日历:罗伯特·海尔布罗纳
knight2005-03-24 09:52



罗伯特·海尔布罗纳

(1919.3.24—2005.1.4)


"The great economists pursued an inquiry as exciting - and as dangerous - as any the world has ever known. The notions of the great economists were world shaking, and their mistakes nothing short of calamitous."
from the book The Worldly Philosophers



Robert L. Heilbroner (1919- ) is the Norman Thomas Professor of Economics at the New School for Social Research.He has two children and currently resides in New York City.Heilbroner graduated summa cum laude from Harvard in 1940 with a degree in history, government, and economics, and worked briefly for the Office of Price Administration.After service in the Army during World War II, he took a job as a business economist with a large commodity-trading house.However, he soon decided that he liked writing more than office work and took a year's leave.He never went back to business.

For two decades, thousands of instructors have used The Worldly Philosophers as an introduction to the lives and thoughts of the great economists.Sales of all editions of this book have been estimated at approximately two million.The combined sales of all the economics books written by Heilbroner, counting joint authorships, may make him the top-selling economics authors of all time.In his writing Heilbroner brings an economic point of view to social and political problems.

In The Worldly Philosophers, Heilbroner discusses the lives of Smith, Malthus, Ricardo, Marx, Veblen, Keynes, and Schumpeter.Heilbroner writes conversationally about the personal characteristics of the economists as well as their ideas.Heilbroner later branched out from economic doctrine into the social, political, and institutional problems of economic society.His works include The Making of Economic Society, Visions of the Future, Twenty-first Century Capitalism and Teachings from the Worldly Philosopher.He also authored basic economics textbooks, such as The Making of Economic Society and Understanding Economics.

Heilbroner describes himself as a radical conservative in that he sees capitalism in its historical context and he supports many of the changes toward equality socialism.Heilbroner says he is "torn between the obvious injustices of the economic system and the extreme difficulties with the details of solving them.Heilbroner draws heavily on Smith, Marx, and other early economic philosophers for his insights.

Heilbroner considers himself a "philosophical historian" and is sometimes at odds with conventional economists, who, he believes, often disregard the social and political context of economic problems.He was recently selected the first Scholar of the Year by the New York Council of the Humanities.In 1971, he was nominated for the executive committee of the American Economic Association, where he was also vice president.

from
http://home.business.utah.edu/~fincmb/heil.html

Robert Heilbroner: An Economic Pioneer Decries the Modern Field's Narrow Focus


By Louis Uchitelle


Ask economists in the baby boom generation why they became economists, and any number will give some credit to Robert L. Heilbroner. His 1953 book, "The Worldly Philosophers," which has sold nearly four million copies, is a "Profiles in Courage" of the great thinkers who shaped modern economics. So it is somewhat surprising to find Heilbroner increasingly critical of the economists he helped inspire. They have missed the point, he says.

Heilbroner, 79, is at one end of a growing debate over whether economics, as practiced today, is effective. Sure, economists do a lot of good research, Heilbroner acknowledges. Some of it yields important insights. But their models are too simplistic. They overlook factors that shape the economic and social system and in doing so forfeit the deep understanding achieved by an Adam Smith or a John Maynard Keynes, two of his worldly philosophers.

"The worldly philosophers thought their task was to model all the complexities of an economic system -- the political, the sociological, the psychological, the moral, the historical," Heilbroner said. "And modern economists, au contraire, do not want so complex a vision. They favor two-dimensional models that in trying to be scientific leave out too much and leave modern economists without a true understanding of how the system works."

The worldly philosophers would have agreed.

"Noneconomic motives are an essential element of economic theory," Joseph A. Schumpeter wrote in 1942, two years after Heilbroner graduated from Harvard, where he had heard Schumpeter lecture. A few years earlier, Keynes had said that "no part of man's nature or his institutions must lie entirely outside an economist's regard."

Alfred Marshall, the 19th-century British economist, warned that "economics cannot be compared with the exact physical sciences, for it deals with the ever changing and subtle forces of human nature."

The shift from this way of thinking came after World War II, when economics gradually ceased to be a social science and took on the techniques of a natural science. Mathematics became the language of economics, and computer models of the economy became the chief research tool. These models require assumptions about the way markets and people behave, assumptions that are often unrealistic, although in recent years economists have fed more and more actual data into their equations in an attempt to approximate the real world.

"If math is correctly used, then it can incorporate all kinds of things that really make the analysis very much broader," said George Akerlof, an economist at the University of California at Berkeley. "The best of this new work pays attention to psychology and sociology."

That still falls short of what Heilbroner has in mind. The modern economists separated out the subjective, often intuitive judgments that earlier economists had considered so important. These were considered not susceptible to scientific inquiry, not measurable.

In the process, economists also squeezed out the word capitalism, the once traditional name for the market system, with its subjective connotation of class struggle between owners or managers and workers and with its suggestion of the privileges that go with various levels of wealth. The word capitalism no longer appears in popular textbooks for Economics 101.

Explaining why, N. Gregory Mankiw, a 40-year-old Harvard economist and author of a popular new textbook, "Principles of Economics," said: "We make a distinction now between positive or descriptive statements that are scientifically verifiable and normative statements that reflect values and judgments. The question is, can you do positive economics without normative economics. I think so."

The science of economics, for example, has found that the causes of extreme income inequality, a relatively new phenomenon, can be objectively measured. Those who are well educated are well paid in the American high-tech service economy, and those who have not gone beyond high school are not well paid. For Mankiw, that is a "positive" statement in that it is verifiable.

But left out of this finding are factors like job insecurity, which tends to make wages more unequal -- whatever the education level -- and labor union bargaining power, which helped to equalize wages until union power declined. These are subjective observations that Mankiw or Paul Romer, a 43-year-old Stanford University economist, would classify as political or public policy issues but not part of a scientific explanation of the workings of the economic system.

"There was a kind of a hubris among earlier generations of economists who thought they themselves could make the scientific statements and then the value judgments," Romer said.

He likens an economist's role to that of a doctor who explains what will happen if a cancer patient is taken off an aggressive program of chemotherapy and radiation. "You can let the pastor, the legislator, the family and the philosopher struggle with the moral question of whether to actually stop the treatment," Romer said, "but what you want from a doctor is correct scientific statements about what will happen if."

Keynes made no such distinctions. Drawing on intuition, observation and his own broad experience, he concluded that the nation found itself stuck in the 1930s Depression in large part because business refused to invest, although the nation offered plenty of savings to finance investment. Keynes' sweeping insight forever changed the way economists think about the way a capitalist system functions. Keynes, having found the problem, saw no reason to be shy about solutions, calling for enormous government spending to offset the decline in business investment.

"Keynes certainly had a view of what was a good society," said Robert M. Solow, a Nobel laureate in economics at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. "And he tried to save society from itself."

Modern economists reject such a role. Romer's father, Roy Romer, the former governor of Colorado, had to decide while in office whether to cut taxes or spend more on education, a value judgment properly left to politicians, in the son's view. "I saw my father as someone very skilled at what he does," the son said. "I have sought to be as skilled on the scientific side."

The father chose more education, partly on the advice of his son, who told him of the economic profession's scientific finding that income inequality is a result of unequal education.

But in this sort of a case, science does not take you far enough, says Heilbroner, an economic historian at the New School for Social Research. "You have to ask, what is the correlation between high levels of education and high levels of wealth." he said. "Is education in our system a privilege of wealth and a function of the class structure?"

These are questions that science cannot address but economics must, says Mark Blaug, an economic historian. Otherwise economic findings are skewed. "There are so many things going on in the economic world at the same time," he said. "Not just standard economic forces, but all the other elements that shape an economy -- politics, morals, psychology, sociology -- and therefore economics will always be vague and imprecise, more like history than math."

Going beyond science sits easier with older economists like Heilbroner or Blaug, who is 71, or Solow, who is 74, and like Heilbroner and Blaug came of age as an economist in the 1950s, while Keynesianism was still in its heyday and the Cold War had not yet helped squeeze value judgments out of economics.

Solow, however, is a pillar of mainstream economics. His economic growth theory, in which he explained the interactions of capital, labor and technology in generating economic expansion, is a model of economics practiced as a science. He would never, he said, "advise a student to go to work on the nature of the class structure."

"You are condemning him to failure," he continued. "We do not know if there are applicable rules."

Yet in an autobiographical sketch, he argued against thinking of economics as science with a capital S. "That is perfectly consistent," he wrote, "with a strong belief that economics should try very hard to be scientific with a small s. By that I mean only that we should think logically and respect fact." Fact, he said, should be enlarged "to include, say, the opinions and casual generalizations of experts and market participants, attitudinal surveys, institutional regularities, even our judgments of plausibility. My preferred image is the vacuum cleaner, not the microscope."

Gradually economics is moving this way. The younger generation, while holding tight to its scientific approach, is nevertheless opening up its equations, feeding into them all sorts of new data from other disciplines, then trying, more than in the past, to make the hypotheses fit the data. Surveys are increasingly being used, and old assumptions -- that supply and demand, for example, balance at a healthy level -- are being amended or put aside.

The new approach was on display at the recent annual meeting of the American Economics Association, where economists at one session reviewed their research into today's unusual spectacle of an unemployment rate and an inflation rate falling together instead of moving in opposite directions, as economic theory dictates and as they once did. Drawing on psychology, the researchers even tried to quantify how people actually behave or feel about work.

Heilbroner applauds. But it is not in his view enough. The questions that absorb the younger economists are too narrow, he says.

Economists, for example, cannot just chronicle the rise of output as an economy grows. There must also be a judgment about the quality of that output: Does it show up as more school construction or warmer clothing in winter or as more channels of bad television programs and higher pay for chief executives. That is how the worldly philosophers would have thought, Heilbroner suggests in a new chapter added to the seventh edition of "The Worldly Philosophers," to be published in the spring by Simon & Schuster.

"Economics will not, and should not, become a political torch that lights our way into the future," he writes, "but it can and should become the source of an awareness of ways by which a capitalist structure can broaden its motivations, increase its flexibility and develop its social morale."

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藤椅
briyant 发表于 2006-3-15 12:00:00 |只看作者 |坛友微信交流群
高手帮忙啊~!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!

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板凳
solowdai 发表于 2006-3-16 11:49:00 |只看作者 |坛友微信交流群

几位著名经济思想家的生平、时代和思想

几位著名经济思想家的生平、时代和思想

商务印书馆1994年版 7.9元

很难买到,我是双倍赔给图书馆买来的。

http://time.dufe.edu.cn/mingrendt/mrendt1.htm

最下面的八章是此书

[此贴子已经被作者于2006-3-16 11:50:38编辑过]

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报纸
solowdai 发表于 2006-3-16 11:55:00 |只看作者 |坛友微信交流群

参考书目

我正在写一本经济思想史教材,把参考书目列给你参考吧

除书所介绍的经济学家的著作中英文本外,本还参考了以下有关经济思想史的教材、著作和论文:

国内教材、著作:

唐庆增:《中国经济思想史》上卷,商务印书馆1936年版。

季陶达:《资产阶级庸俗政治经济学选辑》,商务印书馆,1963年版。

陈岱孙主编:《政治经济学说史》上、下册,吉林人民出版社,1981年版。

胡代光、厉以宁:《当代资产阶级经济学主要流派》,商务印书馆1983年版。

吴斐丹:《经济学说史》,贵州人民出版社1984年版。

蔡中兴:《帝国主义理论发展史》,上海人民出版社1987年版。

罗志如等:《当代西方经济学说》上、下册,北京大学出版社1989年版。

宛瞧、吴宇晖等:《近代西方经济学说史教程》,吉林大学出版社1991年版。

商德文主编:《马克思主义经济思想史》,北京大学出版社1992年版。

陈孟熙主编:《经济学说史教程》,人民大学出版社1992年版。

蔡中兴、漆光英:《马克思主义经济思想史研究》,复旦大学出版社1994年版。

库桂生主编:《国防经济学说史》,国防大学出版社1997年版。

徐觉哉:《社会主义流派史》,人民出版社1999年版。

蒋自强等:《当代西方经济学流派》,复旦大学出版社2001年版。

马涛:《外国经济思想史教程》复旦大学出版社2002年版。

宋承先主编:《西方经济学名著提要》,江西人民出版社,2002年版。

蒋自强、张绪昆等:《经济思想通史》第1——4卷中外国经济思想史部分,浙江大学出版社2003年版。

张维达主编:《政治经济学》,高等教育出版社2005年版。

尹伯成主编:《西方经济学说史——从市场经济视角的考察》,复旦大学出版社2005年版。

吴宇晖统稿:《西方经济学》、《绪论》,高等教育出版社2005年版。

谈敏:《法国重农学派学说的中国渊源》,上海人民出版社1992年版。

陈冬野:《亚当·斯密的经济理论体系》,上海人民出版社1982年版。

宛樵、吴宇晖:《亚当·斯密与<国富论>》,吉林大学出版社1985年版。

邹柏松:《亚当·斯密经济思想研究》,广东高等教育出版社1991年版。

陈其人:《大卫·李嘉图》,商务印书馆1985年版。

吴易风:《空想社会主义经济学说简史》,商务印书馆1975年版。

吴易风:《空想社会主义》,北京出版社,1980年版。

商德文等:《恩格斯经济思想研究》,北京出版社1985年版。

吴宇晖:《市场社会主义:世纪之交的回眸》,经济科学出版社2000年版。

张文焕:《拉萨尔评传》,人民出版社1983年版。

晏智杰:《经济学中的边际主义》,北京大学出版社1987年版。

杨德明:《当代西方经济学经济基础理论的演变——方法沦和微观理论》,商务印书馆1988年版。

高鸿业:《一本挽救资本主义的名著》,山东人民出版社2002年版。

国外教材、著作:

罗尔:《经济思想史》,商务印书馆,1981年版。

门罗编:《早期经济思想》,商务印书馆1985年版。

季德和利斯特:《经济学说史》,商务印书馆1986年版。

季德和利斯特:《经济学说史》,商务印书馆1986年版。

布劳格:《经济学方法论》,商务印书馆1992年版。

斯皮格尔:《经济思想的成长》上、下册,中国社会科学出版社1999年版。

布鲁:《经济思想史》第六版,机械工业出版社2003年版。

约翰·雷:《亚当·斯密传》,商务印书馆1983年版。

斯图尔特:《亚当·斯密的生平和著作》,商务印书馆1983年版。

《现该外国经济学论文集》第四辑,商务印书馆1982年版。

海尔布伦纳:《几位著名经济思想家的生平、时代和思想》,商务印书馆1994年版。

查果洛夫:《亚当·斯密与现代政治经济学》,北京大学出版社1982年版。

霍兰德:《大卫·李嘉图百年评价》,商务印书馆1979年版。

利奇温:《18世纪中国与欧洲文化的接触》,商务印书馆1962年版。

熊彼特:《经济分析史》第1——2卷,商务印书馆1992年版。

车尔尼雪夫斯基:《穆勒政治经济学概述》,商务印书馆,1997年版。

法比翁克:《弗里德里希·李斯特》,商务印书馆1983年版。

雷吉娜:《经济学说史》,中国人民大学出版社,1987年版。

阿尼金:《马克思以前的思想家和经济学家》,湖北人民出版社,1986年版。

拉法格等:《回亿马克思恩格斯》,人民出版社,1973年版。

哈达赫等:《社会主义经济思想简史》,人民出版社,1982年版。

霍尔瓦特:《社会主义政治经济学——一种马克思主义的社会理论》,吉林人民出版社,2001年版。

奇尔科特:《比较政治经济理论》,社会科学文献出版社2001年版,第209页。

《新帕尔格雷夫经济学大辞典》第二卷,经济科学出版社992年版,第708页。

布莱克等:《经济学的边际革命》,商务印书馆1987年版。

布留明:《现在资产阶级政治经济学的危机》,三联书店1962年版。

豪伊:《边际效用学派的兴起:1870—1889》,中国社会科学出版社,1999年版。

熊彼特:《从马克思到凯恩斯》,江苏人民出版社2000年版。

凯恩斯:《艾尔弗雷德·马歇尔传》,商务印书馆1990年版。

哈伯勒:《繁荣与萧条》,商务印书馆,1963年版。

罗宾逊:《马克思、马歇尔和凯恩斯》,商务印书馆1963年版,第14页。

罗宾逊:《凯恩斯传》,商务印书馆1980年版,第17页。

狄拉德:《凯恩斯经济学》,上海人民出版社1963年版,第1页。

学术论文:

唐代兴:《边沁功利主义思想浅析》,载《北京社会科学》,2002年第5期,第152—154页。

李武武:《论斯密的经济自由主义和边沁的功利主义》载《徐州师范大学学报》2002年第5期,第22—25页。

晏智杰:《李嘉图学派的解体及其教训》,载北京大学学报,2000年第6期,第14——22页。

刘天申:《论萨伊的经济政策思想》,载《经济思想史论文集》,北京大学出版社1982年版,第245——257页。

杨晨:《论马尔萨斯与凯恩斯和弗里德曼的脉承关系》,载《厦门大学学报》,1996年第1期,第58——62页。

吴翰:《穆勒经济学的动力学研究》,载《华南师范大学学报》,1999年第1期,第9—15页。

王初根等:《论约翰·斯图亚特·穆勒的经济伦理思想》,载《江西社会科学》,2004年第8期,第70—73页。

余章宝:《李斯特的生产力理论及其贡献》,载《河北经贸大学学报》,2002年第4期,第14——19页。

王仲君:《李斯特的“国家生产力”理论及其意义》,载《西南师范大学学报》,2001年5月,第13——16页。

杨春学:《近代资本主义精神与新教伦理的关系——韦伯命题的历史评论》,载《经济研究》1994年第5期,第74——80页。

李真工:《德意志“历史学派”传统与纳粹主义》,载《世界历史》,2002年第4期,第8——20页。

姜德昌:《重评拉萨尔在俾斯麦统一德国中的作用》,载《东北师范大学学报》,1995年第1期,第25—30页。

胡义成:《“修正主义经济理论”重评》,载《生产力研究》1996年第2期,第1页转32页。

胡义成:《回视股份制上的“反修”:重评伯恩斯坦》,载《商业经济与管理》1998年第4期,第54—57页。

朱宗炎:《恩格斯与<资本论>第3卷》,载《江淮论坛》1994年第6期,第51—55页。

付殷才:《论恩格斯对马克思主义政治经济学的伟大贡献》,载《经济评论》1995年第2期,第1—9页。

张维达、吴宇晖:《马克思劳动价值论的科学性与现实性》,载《高校理论战线》1995年第8期,第17—19页;第9期,第13—15页。

吴宇晖:《论马克思主义政治经济学的科学性》,载《经济学动态》1998年第2期,第15—17页。

王国生:《马克思的经济危机理论与转型时期过剩经济的出现》,载《南京大学学报》1999年第4期,第9—14页。

聂锦芳:《马克思的文本世界》(1—5篇),载北京大学哲学论坛:http://www.phil.pku.edu.cn/forum/

吴易风:《评<杜能的孤立国>》载《孤立国》,商务印书馆1986年版。

刘小怡、胡义明:《艾尔斯的社会价值理论》,载《中南财经大学学报》1996年第4期,第38——42页。

邹进文:《西方公司理论的变迁》,载《中南财经大学学报》2000年第4期,第14——19页。

蒋雅文:《论制度变迁理论的变迁》,载《经济评论》2003年第3期,第73——79页。

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地板
briyant 发表于 2006-3-18 19:44:00 |只看作者 |坛友微信交流群
solowdai,你真是高手,呵呵,看来我是买不到那本书了

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7
lwj3507 发表于 2007-4-10 16:31:00 |只看作者 |坛友微信交流群

海尔布伦纳:《几位著名经济思想家的生平、时代和思想》,商务印书馆1994年版

我在我们学校里就借到了,正在看呢,还不错

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8
kesenye 发表于 2007-4-13 20:34:00 |只看作者 |坛友微信交流群
[em01]

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9
cryby 发表于 2007-5-22 17:03:00 |只看作者 |坛友微信交流群
ddd

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10
lwj3507 发表于 2007-6-21 16:19:00 |只看作者 |坛友微信交流群

楼上说的没错,我也正在看着呢!可能会比较难买点,不过学校的图书馆应该可以借得到的!认真去找找应该会有的

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