David Cameron’s Euro-Nemesis

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Unlike some in Britain’s Conservative Party, Prime MinisterDavid Cameron has not previously given the impression of being obsessed with Europe. He demonstrated no enthusiasmfor the European Union, but he appeared clearly less exercised by its supposed iniquities than many Tories are.
This view of Cameron’s position is now difficult tosustain. His long-gestating speechon Europe, although containing elements that many might share, also sows the seeds for a prolonged and acrimonious debate – and not just in Britain.Conservatives in the House of Commons (and in the wider party) want to bereassured that their leader shares their antagonismfor the entire European integration process. They have not forgotten or pardoned his “treachery” in refusing to hold areferendum on the Lisbon Treaty, signed by his predecessor, Gordon Brown. Withhis speech, that reassurance may now have been given.
Cameron, of course, faced a difficult task with his party,which required a statement from him of his European policy. Cameron then had tofind something appropriate to say. He needed to placate Tories and his domesticcritics while avoiding the economic and political havocthat would be caused by announcing an imminentreferendum that might lead to the United Kingdom’s withdrawal from the EU. Thetime that he took to decide what he would say atteststo the difficulty of squaring that circle.
In fact, as Cameron’s speech made clear, his solution tohis dilemma – to buy himself short-term peace from his critics at the expenseof potentially making his (and Britain’s) problems more intractable in the long term – is hardly new. It was already clearthat Cameron wanted to push any possibility of a referendum into the most distantpossible future. The idea that he would seek to renegotiatethe terms of Britain’s EU membership is also familiar from his earlier speechesand interviews.
Now that position has been bluntlyand uncompromisingly expressed. The demand for far-reaching change in the structure and functioningof the EU, including repatriation of powers toBritain, is a major new demarche at a difficulttime for Europe.
Cameron has said on several occasions that he wishes toavoid a referendum revolving around the simplechoice of continued EU membership on the basis of the current terms ofmembership. Already some are claiming to discern in his European policy themakings of an heir to Harold Wilson, anotherfamous “renegotiator” of Britain’s terms of membership in the then-EuropeanCommunity who went on to win a referendum on Europe.
Britain’s relationship with European integration has been adifficult one, regardless of which party has been in power (Wilson, after all,was a Labour prime minister). This was inevitable from the outset, owing to Britain’s deep and irreconcilable disagreement with virtually all otherEU member states on the fundamental issue of pooling sovereignty.
Essentially, the British point of view has been that aloose confederation of nation-states cooperatingon trade is as much Europe as the UK needs. But Britain joined the EuropeanCommunity, not just the free-trade area that Cameron now apparently wants.
Nonetheless, the undertow ofEuro-skepticism in British politics has never diminished and was evident inCameron’s speech. Even the supremacy of Europeanlaw in defined areas was accepted only reluctantly by Britain, and long aftermany others had done so. Indeed, in his speech, Cameron could not resist apassing shot at the European Court of Justice.
Britain has made major positive contributions to Europe,particularly with respect to the single market. But it is no exaggeration tostate that whenever Britain has perceived an opportunity to wage a war of attrition against the European supranational project, it has done so, opposing any substantialincrease in the EU’s competences or resources. Given that this positionreflects the British public’s attitude toward the EU, it is not surprising. Butit nonetheless distresses other member states, particularly those, likeGermany, that recognize the great benefit of having a country with a stronglypro-free trade position and a deep commitment to the rule of law play animportant role in the EU.
The prolonged period of renegotiation now proposed byCameron implies high costs for both sides. For starters, it creates a source ofdeep and prolonged uncertainty at a time when the eurozone crisis already hascalled into question the EU’s long-term health, if not its survival.
Moreover, Cameron’s strategy seems unlikely to lead to anoutcome that satisfies anyone. If it is intended to be a negotiation that takesplace in the context of broader treaty talks, it may not happen in theforeseeable future. European Council President Herman Van Rompuy, among others,seems to doubt the need for a new treaty, which would require the unanimoussupport of the member states – some of which are sharply opposed – to enterinto force. Indeed, Cameron recognized this explicitly in his speech, so thenew treaty to embody a “new settlement” for Britain may have to be negotiatedwith all member states as a separate exercise.
Part of this negotiation apparently would entail a repatriation of powers, requiring the consent of allEU members – and making the conditions under which Cameron’s renegotiation issupposed to take place both legally and politically uncertain. Many Europeanpoliticians would view a member state’s repatriation of competences as atotally destructive precedent, and thus would oppose it resolutely.
The net result is that it seems highly probable that anyattempted achievement of a “new settlement,” including repatriation ofcompetences, will make it much more difficult for Britain to remain in the EUthan would be the case if a straightforward “in/out” referendum were held now.So, far from reassuring anyone (including Tory Euro-skeptics), Cameron’s stanceheralds a new era of turbulence and uncertaintyfor Britain and its European partners.

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关键词：Cameron Amero David came euro its previously difficult although elements

Cameron, of course, faced a difficult task with his party,which required a statement from him of his European policy. Cameron then had tofind something appropriate to say. He needed to placate Tories and his domesticcritics while avoiding the economic and political havocthat would be caused by announcing an imminentreferendum that might lead to the United Kingdom’s withdrawal from the EU. Thetime that he took to decide what he would say atteststo the difficulty of squaring that circle.
In fact, as Cameron’s speech made clear, his solution tohis dilemma – to buy himself short-term peace from his critics at the expenseof potentially making his (and Britain’s) problems more intractable in the long term – is hardly new. It was already clearthat Cameron wanted to push any possibility of a referendum into the most distantpossible future. The idea that he would seek to renegotiatethe terms of Britain’s EU membership is also familiar from his earlier speechesand interviews.