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英 Chris Harman:如何运用马克思主义 How Marxism Works(英汉对照) [推广有奖]

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How Marxism Works

如何运用马克思主义

 

英 Chris Harman

 

Full Versio

全本

 

Introduction

导言

 

1 Why we need Marxist theory

第一章 为什么我们需要马克思主义理论

 

2 Understanding history

第二章 理解历史

 

3 Class struggle

第三章 阶级斗争

 

4 Capitalism - how the system began

第四章 资本主义制度如何开始的

 

5 The labour theory of value

第五章 劳动价值论

 

6 Economic crisis

第六章 经济危机

 

7 The working class

第七章 工人阶级

 

8 How can society be changed?

第八章 社会如何被改造

 

9 How do workers become revolutionary?

第九章 工人如何变得具有革命性

 

10 The revolutionary socialist party

第十章 革命社会主义政党

 

11 Imperialism and national liberation

第十一章 帝国主义与民族解放

 

12 Marxism and feminism

第十二章 马克思主义与女权主义

 

13 Socialism and war

第十三章 社会主义与战争

 

Further Reading

进一步阅读的文献

 

 

译 者 前 言

 阿芬

  2005年底买到Chris Harman的小册子《如何运用马克思主义》,之后,先选译了两篇:《工人阶级》,《工人何以趋向革命》。我的感受是:虽然颇为简约,但写得不错,有启发作用。后来偶然碰到一位左派老外,我送了他一本工人诗歌纸刊。他很高兴看到其中刊载的这两篇译文,说他以前当工人的时候曾读过此书,获益不少。

  书中的马列道理和知识,对多数左翼入门者来说可能并不陌生。写这样的小册子,似乎只是炒炒冷饭的勾当,学者不屑为之。但在劳工最无权利、最受压榨的本土,偏偏最缺乏这类有价值的、合适的通俗读物。一两年前,萌发了写作这类读物的打算,但心中没底,于是想到:不妨先把这本小册子译出来,做个参考。

  与我国的教科书论述相比,本书的一个优点是针对性强。书中批判的许多观念,也已随复辟而泛滥。关于“劳动创造世界”、“阶级和国家的形成”、“剩余价值论”等内容,都是我们所熟悉的,但本书的论述角度仍值得借鉴(个人以为,剩余价值和利润的关系也应当简要谈及)。新的劳工启蒙读物同样要非常注意针对性、论述角度和语言。问题不仅在于“文笔要生动活泼”,而且,应当使工人感到所谈的内容切合自身的利益和经验。作者关于“社会发展阶段”的论述也很灵活,并不以“五阶段”为框架,而是着重强调“生产力决定生产关系”本身,阶级斗争的成败决定了社会进步、停滞或倒退的观点——对处于“最后的斗争”前夜的我们来说,这也是值得不断提起注意的。

  其它如《如何改造社会》、《革命社会主义政党》、《马克思主义与女权主义》等章节,同样有助于带领读者从新的角度来理解基本的革命问题。尤其是关于工人革命政党的论述,跟传承自斯大林主义一脉的、充斥“党崇拜”和“为民作主”气味的论调全然不同。

  不过,这本小册子看来是写给已有左翼倾向和斗争经验的群众看的,中国的劳工教育小册子还需要作者们自己来设计,需要不同层次、专题的系列读物,能够解释中国特定的社会现实,针对当前的种种意识形态发言,能够解答工人的诸般疑问,能够因应当前形势来总结工人抗争的经验和教训。

  本书作者Chris Harman是《社会主义劳工报》主编,多年从事工运,也是英国社会主义劳工党(Socialist Workers Party)中央委员会会员之一,观点属于托派。但他把苏联、东欧等“东方集团国家”定性为“国家资本主义”,这与托洛茨基的论断相左。

  托洛茨基把斯大林为首的官僚层篡权后的苏联称为“堕落的工人国家”、“官僚变态的工人国家”,是一种不稳固的、“介于资本主义和社会主义中间的一个矛盾的社会”,或者是工人阶级采取政治革命推翻官僚层,向社会主义前进,或者是官僚层复辟资本主义。因此,苏联社会的性质尚未为历史所决定,前途要取决于国内和国际的阶级斗争。他也批判了把苏联称为“国家资本主义”的含糊说法(见《被背叛的革命》第九章《苏联国内社会关系》)。

  最早翻译《工人何以趋向革命》时,对其中一段便有疑惑:

  “在资本主义的历史上,工人阶级的革命运动曾经一而再地动摇了一个又一个国家:1871年的法国……1980年的波兰。”

  这等于把1980年的波兰当作资本主义。后来译到第十三章《社会主义与战争》,其中说到:

  “冷战是这一斗争的继续,最强大的资本主义国家联合在北大西洋公约组织(NATO)和华沙条约(the Warsaw Pact)之中彼此对抗。”

  这也表明作者把苏东各国认定为资本主义国家。

  在另一本著作《民族问题的重返》的第12章《民族性与民族主义的当代理论》中,他把这些国家称为“由竞争性积累的动力所支配的社会——形同变种资本主义组织的国家”。

  “竞争性积累的动力”诚然是资本主义社会的基本特征。就整个国家来说,这种动力的确存在于原“社会主义阵营”,也就是在经济上力求赶上发达资本主义国家,但这仍然不是这些国家经济发展的基本动力。就像这些国家无法取消价值规律,仍受其影响,但价值规律在这些社会中并不占支配地位。此外,工人与官僚层的关系,跟资本主义国家里工人与老板的关系也相当不同。

  由于不曾读到作者详细发挥的论述,这里只能做这样的提醒和简要说明。

 


译者
2008年7月

原来的翻译有很多不符合原意,我给阿芬同学做个校译——yuweiyuwei.

[此贴子已经被作者于2008-8-12 18:04:39编辑过]

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关键词:Marxism Harman Chris 马克思主义 Works 马克思主义 How Chris Harman Marxism

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yuweiyuwei 发表于 2008-8-12 17:56:00 |只看作者 |坛友微信交流群

Introduction导言
 

There is a widespread myth that Marxism is difficult. It is a myth propagated by the enemies of socialism – former Labour leader Harold Wilson boasted that he was never able to get beyond the first page of Marx’s Capital. It is a myth also encouraged by a peculiar breed of academics who declare themselves to be ‘Marxists’: they deliberately cultivate obscure phrases and mystical expressions in order to give the impres­sion that they possess a special knowledge denied to others.

 马克思主义是晦涩难懂的——这是一个广为流传的神话。这个神话是社会主义的敌人宣扬的——前工党领导人哈罗德•威尔逊(Harold Wilson )就夸耀自己从未能把马克思《资本论》翻过第一页。那些受过专业研究培训的、自号“马克思主义者”的专家也助长了这个神话。这些专家有意培养含糊的措辞和神秘的表达方式,以此来给人这样的印象——他们掌握着专门知识,别人则休想。

So it is hardly surprising that many socialists who work 40 hours a week in factories, mines or offices take it for granted that Marxism is something they will never have the time or the opportunity to understand.

所以,很多在工厂、矿山或写字楼中每周工作40小时的社会主义者,想当然地以为他们决不会有时间或机会去了解马克思主义,像这样的现象就一点都不会让人感到奇怪了。

In fact the basic ideas of Marxism are remarkably simple. They explain, as no other set of ideas can, the society in which we live. They make sense of a world wracked by crises, of its poverty in the midst of plenty, of its coups d’etat and military dic­tatorships, of the way in which marvellous inventions can consign millions to the dole queues, of ‘democracies’ that sub­sidise torturers and of ‘socialist’ states that threaten each other’s people with nuclear missiles.

实际上,马克思主义的基本思想极其简单。马克思主义和其他派别的思想一样,是用来解释我们所生活的这个社会。马克思主义能让你懂得世界上的种种现象:严重破坏性的危机,丰裕中的贫困,政变(coups d’etat,法语)和军事独裁,非凡的发明如何竟使千百万人加入失业者大军,用民主政治来补偿那些肉体受尽折磨的人,所谓的“社会主义”国家(指苏联与chine)还用原子弹威胁其他国家的人民。

Meanwhile, the establishment thinkers who so deride Marxist ideas chase each other round in a mad game of blind man’s buff, understanding nothing and explaining less.

与此同时,上述那些嘲笑马克思主义的职业思想家们,只是像瞎子捉迷藏一样兜着圈相互追逐,既不理解更不能解释任何东西。

But though Marxism is not difficult, there is a problem for the reader who comes across Marx’s writings for the first time. Marx wrote well over a century ago. He used the language of the time, complete with references to individuals and events then familiar to virtually everyone, now known only to specialist historians.

不过,虽然马克思主义并不难懂,但对第一次接触马克思著作的读者来说,仍存在一个问题。马克思是在一百多年前写成这些著作的。他使用的是那个年代的语言,作品中所涉及的人与事实际上在当时是每个人都很熟悉的,可现在却只有专业历史学家才理解。

I remember my own bafflement when, while still at school, I tried to read his pamphlet The 18th Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte.

我记得,当自己还在学校读书时,我试着读他的小册子《路易•波拿巴的雾月十八日》,感到非常困惑。
I didn’t know either what Brumaire was or who Louis Bonaparte was. How many socialists have abandoned attempts to come to grips with Marxism after such experiences!

我既不懂雾月也不懂路易•波拿巴是谁。那么多的社会主义者都因为这种经历,而不再钻研马克思主义!

 This is the justification for this short book. It seeks to pro­vide an introduction to Marxist ideas, which will make it easier for socialists to follow what Marx was on about and to under­stand the development of Marxism since then in the hands of Frederick Engels, Rosa Luxemburg, Vladimir Lenin, Leon Trotsky, and a whole host of lesser thinkers.

 这就是我要编写这本小书的理由。它试图提供一个马克思主义思想入门介绍,以便社会主义者容易理解马克思做了什么,以及从那以后马克思主义在弗•恩格斯、罗莎•卢森堡、弗•列宁、列昂•托洛茨基和一整批较小的思想家手中的发展情况。

  
  Much of this pamphlet first appeared as a series of articles in Socialist Worker under the title ‘Marxism Made Easy’. But I have added substantial fresh material. A little of this I have lifted wholesale from two previous attempts to provide a simple expo­sition of Marxist ideas: Duncan Hallas’s The Meaning of Marxism and Norwich SWP’s ‘Marxist Education Series’.

小册子的多数内容最初是以《马克思主义简编》为标题的系列文章,连载于《社会主义工人》( Socialist Worker )。但我加进了大量的新素材。其中一些基本上引自先前两本尝试对马克思主义思想加以通俗化的著作:邓肯•哈拉斯(Duncan Hallas)的《马克思主义的意义》和诺里奇(Norwich)社会主义工人党(SWP)的《马克思主义教育丛书》。

One final point. Space has prevented me from dealing in this pamphlet with some important parts of the Marxist analysis of the modern world. I have included a substantial further reading section at the back.

最后,限于篇幅,我未把一些马克思主义对当代世界分析的重要部份加进小册子里。在书的末尾,我附上一份充实的进一步提高阅读的参考文献。
     

[此贴子已经被作者于2008-8-12 18:30:04编辑过]

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yuweiyuwei 发表于 2008-8-12 18:29:00 |只看作者 |坛友微信交流群

Why we need Marxist theory第一章
    为什么我们需要马克思主义理论

 

 

What do we need theory for? We know there is a crisis. We know we are being robbed by our employers. We know we’re all angry. We know we need socialism. All the rest is just for the intellectuals.

我们为什么需要理论?我们知道危机的存在。我们知道自己被雇主掠夺。我们知道自己都很愤怒。我们知道自己需要社会主义。那剩下的,就是知识份子的事了。
You often hear words such as these from militant socialists and trade unionists. Such views are strongly encouraged by anti-socialists, who try to give the impression that Marxism is an obscure, complicated and boring doctrine.

你常常会从富有战斗性的社会主义者和贸易工会会员那里听到诸如此类的话。这样的观点也被那些反社会主义者起劲地蛊惑着,他们试图制造这样一种印象:马克思主义是含糊的、复杂的、令人生厌的教条。

Socialist ideas, they say, are ‘abstract’. They may seem all right in theory, but in real life common sense tells us something else entirely.


  他们说:社会主义思想是“抽象的”。从理论上看它们似乎正确,但在实际生活中,常识告诉我们的完全是另一回事。

The trouble with these arguments is that the people who put them forward usually have a ‘theory’ of their own, even if they refuse to recognise it. Ask them any question about society, and they will try to answer it with some generalisation or other. A few examples:


  这些辩护的麻烦在于,持这类看法的人通常有自己的一套“理论”,即使他们拒不承认这点。只要问问他们关于社会的问题,他们就会用某些笼统的话来回答。例如:

‘People are naturally selfish.’

‘Anyone can get to the top if they try hard enough.’

‘If it weren’t for the rich there wouldn’t be any money to pro­vide work for the rest of us.’

‘If only we could educate the workers, society would change.’

‘Declining morals have brought the country to its present state.’


  “人性自私。”

  “只要付出足够努力,每个人都能爬到顶层。”

  “要不是因为有富人,就不会有资金来给我们其他人提供工作。”

  “只要我们能教育工人,社会就会改变。”

  “是道德衰退把我们国家变成现在这样子。”

  

Listen to any argument in the street, on the bus, in the canteen – you’ll hear dozens of such sayings. Each and every one contains a view of why society is like it is and of how people can improve their condition. Such views are all ‘theories’ of society.

在大街上、公共汽车上、餐馆里听一听所有的议论——你可以听到很多这类的话。每个人对社会何以如此以及人类如何改善境遇都有个说法。这些见解都是关于社会的“理论”。

 

When people say they do not have a theory, all they really mean is they have not clarified their views.

 当人们说他们没有理论时,他们真正想要说的是:他们还未阐明观点。

 

This is particularly dangerous for anyone who is trying to change society. For the newspapers, the radio, the television, are all continually filling our minds with attempted explanations for the mess society is in. They hope we will accept what they say without thinking more about the issues.

 对任何一个企图改造社会的人来说,这是特别危险的。因为对于社会何以一团糟,报纸、广播、电视,都在不断地灌输给我们诱导性的解释。他们希望我们不假思索地接受他们对这些问题的说法。

But you cannot fight effectively to change society unless you recognise what is false in all these different arguments.


  除非你能辨别出所有各种观点错在哪里,否则你无法有效地改造社会。

  

This was first shown 150 years ago. In the 1830s and 1840s the development of industry in areas such as the north west of England drew hundreds of thousands of men, women and chil­dren into miserably paid jobs. They were forced to endure living conditions of unbelievable squalor.

这种情形最早出现于150年前。在1830到1840年代,诸如英格兰西北部等地区的工业发展,驱使数十万的成年男女和儿童从事于悲惨的受薪工作。他们被迫承受难以置信的贫困而肮脏的生活中。


They began to fight back against this with the first mass work­ers’ organisations – the first trade unions, and in Britain the first movement for political rights for workers. Chartism. Alongside these movements were the first small groups of people dedicated to winning socialism.

  他们通过建立起第一个大规模的工人组织——最早的工会,并且发起英国最早的追求工人政治权利的大宪章运动。随之,出现了最早的献身于争取社会主义的小团体。

  

Immediately the problem arose as to how the workers’ move­ment could achieve its aim.

很快,关于工人运动如何能够达到目标的问题出现了。

  

Some people said it was possible to persuade society’s rulers to change things through peaceful means. The ‘moral force’ of a mass, peaceful movement would ensure that benefits were given to the workers. Hundreds of thousands of people organised, demonstrated, worked to build a movement on the basis of such views – only to end defeated and demoralised.

有人说,通过说服社会的统治者,以和平手段来改造事物是可能的。“道德力量”这一群众的和平运动,确信能为工人带来利益。数十万人组织起来,发动示威,致力于建设一个以此观点为基础的运动——意想不到地以失败和士气受挫而告终。

  

Others recognised the need to use ‘physical force’, but thought this could be achieved by fairly small, conspiratorial groups cut off from the rest of society. These too led tens of thousands of workers into struggles that ended in defeat and demoralisation.

其他人认识到需要“武装力量”,但认为这可以通过很小的、同社会其余部份相隔绝的密谋团体来做到。这同样引导了数十万工人加入斗争,仍以失败和消沉告终。

  

Still others believed the workers could achieve their goals by economic action, without confronting the army and the police. Again, their arguments led to mass actions. In England in 1842 the world’s first general strike took place in the industrial areas of the north, with tens of thousands of workers holding out for four weeks until forced back to work by hunger and privation.

还有人相信工人可以通过经济行动达到目标,而无需对抗军队警察。他们的观点再次付诸了行动。1842年,在英国的北方工业区,发生了世界上第一次总罢工,数十万工人坚持了四个星期,直到饥饿和穷困迫使他们复工。

  

It was towards the end of the first stage of defeated workers’ struggles, in 1848, that the German socialist Karl Marx spelt out his own ideas fully, in his pamphlet The Communist Manifesto.

在失败的工人斗争第一幕落下之后,1848年,德国社会主义者卡尔•马克思通过他的《共产党宣言》小册子全面阐明了他的观点。


His ideas were not pulled out of thin air. They attempted to provide a basis for dealing with all the questions that had been brought up by the workers’ movement of the time.

  他的思想并非无中生有。它们试图提供一个原理,以解决当时的工人运动所提出的所有问题。

  

The ideas Marx developed are still relevant today. It is stupid to say, as some people do, that they must be out of date because Marx first wrote them down more than 150 years ago. In fact, all the notions of society that Marx argued with are still very widespread. Just as the Chartists argued about ‘moral force’ or ‘physical force’, socialists today argue about the ‘parliamentary road’ or the ‘revolutionary road’. Among those who are revolu­tionaries the argument for and against ‘terrorism’ is as alive as it was in 1848.

马克思所揭示的思想对今天仍然适用。有人说因为马克思是在150年前开始写作的,因此当然已经过时——这种说法很愚蠢。事实上,马克思所讨论过的所有社会观念仍然广泛流传。正如宪章派讨论“道德力量”或“武装力量”,今天的社会主义者则讨论“改良主义道路”或“革命道路”。而在革命者当中,支持或反对“恐怖主义”的争论也像1848年那样活跃。

 ”


The idealists

唯心主义者

 

Marx was not the first person to try to describe what was wrong with society. At the time he was writing, new inventions in fac­tories were turning out wealth on a scale undreamt of by previous generations. For the first time it seemed humanity had the means to defend itself against the natural calamities that had been the scourge of previous ages.

 马克思不是试图描述社会弊病的第一人。在他写作的年代,工厂里的新发明正在生产出以往世代梦想不到的财富。看起来人类似乎第一次拥有了手段,能够抵御为患于以往时代的自然灾祸。

 

Yet this did not mean any improvement in the lives of the majority of the people. Quite the opposite. The men, women and children who manned the new factories led lives much worse that those led by their grandparents who had toiled the land. Their wages barely kept them above the bread line; periodic bouts of mass unemployment thrust them well below it. They were crammed into miserable, squalid slums, without proper sanita­tion, subjected to monstrous epidemics.

  然而对多数人的生活来说,它没有带来进步。恰恰相反。为新机器所驾御的男人、女人和孩子,过着比他们在土地上劳作的祖父母们恶劣得多的生活。他们的工资几乎只够糊口;周期性的大量失业则把他们推到生存线以下。他们勉强挤在悲惨、肮脏的贫民窟,没有适当的卫生设施,极易为可怕的流行病所传染。

Instead of the development of civilisation bringing general happiness and well being, it was giving rise to greater misery.

文明的发展没有带来普遍的幸福和更好的生活,而是引发了更大不幸。

This was noted, not just by Marx, but by some of the other great thinkers of the period – men such as the English poets Blake and Shelley, the Frenchmen Fourier and Proudhon, the German philosophers Hegel and Feuerbach.

不只是马克思,当时的其他一些大思想家也记述了这些——像英国诗人布莱克和雪莱,法国的傅立叶和普鲁东,德国哲学家黑格尔和费尔巴哈。

Hegel and Feuerbach called the unhappy state in which humanity found itself ‘alienation’ – a term you still often hear. By alienation, Hegel and Feuerbach meant that men and women continually found that they were dominated and oppressed by what they themselves had done in the past. So, Feuerbach pointed out, people had developed the idea of God –and then had bowed down before it, feeling miserable because they could not live up to something they themselves had made. The more society advanced, the more miserable, ‘alienated’, people became.

黑格尔和费尔巴哈把身处不幸的国家里的人类状况称为“异化”——你可能经常听到这个术语。黑格尔和费尔巴哈用这个术语表示人们逐渐了解到、他们受控且受压迫于自己以往的创造物。因此,费尔巴哈指出,人类发明了“上帝”的思想——并屈身在它之前,由于他们无法驾驭自己的创造物而更觉悲惨。社会越进步,人类就变得越悲惨,也就是“异化”。

 

In his own earliest writings Marx took this notion of ‘alien­ation’ and applied it to the life of those who created the wealth of society:

马克思在他的早期著作里采取了“异化”概念,来描述那些创造财富的人的生活:

The worker becomes poorer the more wealth he produces, the more his production increases in power and range... With the increasing value of the world of things proceeds in direct propor­tion the devaluation of the world of men... The object which labour produces confronts it as something alien, as a power inde­pendent of the producer...

“工人生产的财富越多,他的产品力量和数量越大,他就越贫穷。……物的世界的增值同人的世界的贬值成正比。……劳动所生产的对象,及劳动的产品,作为一种异己的存在物,作为不依赖于生产者的力量,同劳动相对立。”

In Marx’s time the most popular explanations of what was wrong with society were still of a religious kind. The misery of society, it was said, was because of the failure of people to do what God wanted them to. If only we were all to ‘renounce sin’ everything would turn out all right.

在马克思的时代,对社会弊端的最流行的解释还是宗教性的。它宣称,社会的不幸缘于人类没有按上帝的吩咐去行动。只要我们都“抛弃罪恶”,所有的事情就会好转。

A similar view is often heard today, although it usually pur­ports to be non-religious. This is the claim that ‘to change society, you must first change yourself’. If only individual men and women would cure themselves of ‘selfishness’ or ‘materialism’ (or occasionally ‘hangups’) then society would automatically get better.

今天我们仍能听到类似观点,虽然通常并不诉诸宗教。比如这个主张:“要改变社会,你必须先改变你自己”。只要个体的男人和女人克服了“自私”或“物质主义”(materialism)(或有时“心理障碍(hangups)”),社会将自动地变好。

A related view spoke not of changing all individuals, but a few key ones – those who exercise power in society. The idea was to try to make the rich and powerful ‘see reason’.

有一个与此相关的意见,声称不是要改变所有的个体,而是少数关键人物——社会上那些行使权力的人。也就是设法让富人和权势者“明白事理”。

One of the first British socialists, Robert Owen, began by trying to convince industrialists that they should be kinder to their workers. The same idea is still dominant today among the lead­ers of the Labour Party, including its left wing. Note how they always call the crimes of the employers ‘mistakes’, as if a bit of argument will persuade big business to relax its grip on society.

  罗伯特•欧文是最早持此思想的英国社会主义者之一。他从尝试劝说工厂主善待他们的工人开始。在今天的工党领导层包括其左翼当中,同样的思想仍占优势。你可以留意一下,他们是怎样老把雇主们的罪恶叫作“过失”,好像给点儿意见就能说服大企业放松对社会的钳制似的。

Marx referred to all such views as ‘idealist’. Not because he was against people having ‘ideas’, but because such views see ideas as existing in isolation from the conditions in which people live.

马克思把所有这些观点叫作“唯心主义”。这不是因为他反对人们拥有“意识”,而是因为:这些观点认为意识孤立地存在于人们的生活条件之外。

People’s ideas are intimately linked to the sort of lives they are able to live. Take, for instance, ‘selfishness’. Present day capi­talist society breeds selfishness – even in people who continually try to put other people first. A worker who wants to do their best for their children, or to give their parents something on top of their pension, finds the only way is to struggle continually against other people – to get a better job, more overtime, to be first in the queue for redundancy. In such a society you cannot get rid of ‘selfishness’ or ‘greediness’ merely by changing the minds of individuals.

人们的意识跟他们得以生存的那种生活密切相关。举“自私”为例来说吧。当今资本主义社会产生着自私自利——甚至在那些不断努力地把他人摆在第一位的人中间。一个工人如果尽力为他的孩子着想,或者想给领退休金的父母亲多奉献一点什么,他会发现自己唯一的办法就是不断跟其他人斗争——取得一个更好的工作,加更多的班,力争上游以免遭到淘汰。在这样一个社会里,你无法通过改变个人的头脑来根除“自私”或“贪心”。

It’s even more ridiculous to talk of changing society by chang­ing the ideas of ‘top people’. Suppose you were successful in winning a big employer over to socialist ideas and he then stopped exploiting workers. He would just lose in competition with rival employers and be driven out of business.

关于改造社会,甚至还有更可笑的说法,就是去改变“上层人物”的思想。假设你成功地说服一个大老板接受社会主义思想,继而停止剥削工人。那他就会在跟其他雇主的竞争中落败,并陷入破产。

Even for those who rule society what matters is not ideas but the structure of the society in which they hold those ideas.

 甚至对那些统治社会的人来说,关键也不在于思想,而在于他们从中获得这些思想的社会结构。

The point can be put another way. If ideas are what change society, where do the ideas come from? We live in a certain sort of society. The ideas put across by the press, the TV, the educa­tional system and so on defend that sort of society. How has anyone ever been able to develop completely different ideas? Because their daily experiences contradict the official ideas of our society.

  可以换个角度来说。如果改变社会的是意识,那么意识又从何而来?我们活在某种社会之中。新闻舆论、电视、教育体系等等传播的意识是维护这种社会的。人又如何能够形成完全不同的意识呢?因为他们的日常经验跟我们社会的官方意识是相悖的。

For example, you cannot explain why far fewer people are religious today than 100 years ago simply in terms of the success of atheistic propaganda. You have to explain why people listen to atheistic ideas in a way they did not 100 years ago.

比如,要解释为什么今天信奉宗教的人比100年前少很多,你不能只是说:因为无神论宣传很成功。你必须解释为什么人们会听从无神论,而在某种程度上,100年前他们却并不如此。

Similarly, if you want to explain the impact of ‘great men’, you have to explain why other people agree to follow them. It is no good saying that, for example. Napoleon or Lenin changed history, without explaining why millions of people were willing to do what they suggested. After all, they were not mass hypno­tists. Something in the life of society at a certain point led people to feel that what they suggested seemed correct.

同样地,如果你要解释“伟人”的影响,你必须解释为什么其他人同意追随他们。比如,说拿破仑或列宁改变了历史,而不解释为什么千百万人愿意听从他们的建议来行动,这种说法就没有意义。他们毕竟不是群众催眠术士。是社会生活中的某些事物在一定程度上促使人们感到他们的建议看来是正确的。

You can only understand how ideas change history if you understand where those ideas come from and why people accept them. That means looking beyond the ideas to the material con­ditions of the society in which they occur. That is why Marx insisted, ‘It is not consciousness that determines being, but social being that determines consciousness.’
  

只有当你理解了那些意识从何而来,以及为什么人们会接受它们,你才能理解意识如何改变历史。那意味着找到意识背后它们赖以发生的社会物质条件。这就是为什么马克思宣称:“不是意识决定存在,而是社会存在决定意识。

 

 

[此贴子已经被作者于2008-8-13 19:07:45编辑过]

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老鱼父 发表于 2008-8-12 22:37:00 |只看作者 |坛友微信交流群

顶.

 Good job. Keep going !

沧浪之水清兮可以濯我缨,沧浪之水浊兮可以濯我足。

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yuweiyuwei 发表于 2008-8-13 19:27:00 |只看作者 |坛友微信交流群

Understanding history

理解历史

Ideas by themselves cannot change society. This was one of Marx’s first conclusions. Like a number of thinkers before him, he insisted that to understand society you had to see human beings as part of the material world.

意识本身不能改变社会。这是马克思的首要结论之一。如同在他之前的许多思想家一样,他强调,要理解历史,你必须把人类看作物质世界的一部分。

Human behaviour was determined by material forces, just like the behaviour of any other natural object. The study of human­ity was part of the scientific study of the natural world. Thinkers with such views were called materialists.

人类的行为是由物质力量决定的,正如自然界的其它物体一样。对人类的研究,是对自然界的科学研究的一部份。持这种观点的思想家被称为唯物主义者

 

Marx regarded materialism as a great step forward over the various religious and idealist notions of history. It meant that you could argue scientifically about changing social conditions, you no longer depended on praying to God or on ‘spiritual change’ in people.

 马克思把唯物主义看成对历史上不同的宗教和理想主义观念的一个巨大进步。这意味着你能够科学地论证出改造社会的条件,你不再依赖于神或“人们精神的改变”。 (原译者漏译)

 

The replacement of idealism by materialism was the replace­ment of mysticism by science. But not all materialist explanations of human behaviour are correct. Just as there have been mistaken scientific theories in biology, chemistry or physics, so there have been mistaken attempts to develop scientific theories of society. Here are a few examples:

   唯物主义取代唯心主义,就是科学取代迷信。但并非有关人类行为的所有的唯物主义解释都正确。正如在生物学、化学或物理学当中有过错误的科学理论,在有关社会的科学理论的发展中同样有过错误的尝试。兹举几例:

 

One very widespread, non-Marxist, materialist view holds that human beings are animals, who behave ‘naturally’ in certain ways. Just as it is in the nature of wolves to kill or in the nature of sheep to be placid, so it is in the nature of men to be aggres­sive, domineering, competitive and greedy (and, it is implied, of women to be meek, submissive, deferential and passive).

 一个流行甚广的、非马克思主义的唯物主义观点宣称,人是以特定方式“自然地”行动的动物。正像狼的本性要厮杀,羊的本性是挨宰,男人的本性则是侵略、专权、竞争和贪婪(同样,它暗示,女人的本性是驯服、柔顺、恭敬和被动)。

 

One formulation of this view is to be found in the best selling book The Naked Ape. The conclusions that are drawn from such arguments are almost invariably reactionary. If men are naturally aggressive, it is said, then there is no point in trying to improve society. Things will always turn out the same. Revolutions will ‘always fail’.

 我们可以从一本名叫《裸猿》的畅销书里找到对此观点的一种表述。从这类意见中得出的结论几乎总是反动的。它说,假如人类天性好斗,那么努力改进社会是没有用的。事情总会归于老样子。革命“永远是失败的”。

But ‘human nature’ does in fact vary from society to society. For instance, competitiveness, which is taken for granted in our society, hardly existed in many previous societies. When scien­tists first tried to give Sioux Indians IQ tests, they found that the Indians could not understand why they should not help each other do the answers. The society they lived in stressed cooperation, not competition.

但其实,“人性”随社会而异。例如,在我们的社会里,竞争被视作理所当然,但在许多以前的社会里却几乎不存在竞争。当科学家们早先想给北美苏族印第安人做智力(IQ)测试时,他们发现印第安人无法理解为什么他们在答题时不能彼此帮助。他们所生存的社会强调协作,而不是竞争。

 

The same with aggressiveness. When Eskimos first met Europeans, they could not make any sense whatsoever of the notion of ‘war’. The idea of one group of people trying to wipe out another group of people seemed crazy to them.

再拿竞争来说。当爱斯基摩人第一次遇上欧洲人,他们对任何“战争”的概念都一无所知。某个人群设法消灭另一个人群,这对他们来说似乎是疯狂的念头。

 

In our society it is regarded as ‘natural’ that parents should love and protect their children. Yet in the Ancient Greek city of Sparta it was regarded as ‘natural’ to leave infants out in the mountains to see if they could survive the cold.

  在我们的社会里,父母热爱和保护孩子被看作“合乎自然的”。然而在古希腊的斯巴达城邦,把婴儿丢在山里,看他们能否在寒冷中生存下来,才被看作“合乎自然”。

 

‘Unchanging human nature’ theories provide no explanation for the great events of history. The pyramids of Egypt, the splen­dours of Ancient Greece, the empires of Rome or the Incas, the modern industrial city, are put on the same level as the illiterate peasants who lived in the mud hovels of the Dark Ages. All that matters is the ‘naked ape’ – not the magnificent civilisations the ape has built. It is irrelevant that some forms of society succeed in feeding the ‘apes’, while others leave millions to starve to death.

  “不变的人性”论无法解释重大的历史事件。埃及的金字塔,古希腊的辉煌,罗马或印加帝国,现代工业城市,被拿来跟欧洲中世纪住在泥屋里的农民等量齐观。全部问题在于“裸猿”——而不是创造了辉煌文明的猿。某些社会形态成功地供养了“猿”,另一些社会形态则饿死千百万。

Many people accept a different materialist theory, which stresses the way it is possible to change human behaviour. Just as animals can be trained to behave differently in a circus to a jungle, so, say the supporters of this view, human behaviour can similarly be changed. If only the right people got control of soci­ety, it is said, then ‘human nature’ could be transformed.

  很多人接受一种不同的唯物主义理论。这种理论强调通过某种方法有可能改变人类行为。正如马戏团里的动物能够被训练得跟在丛林里的表现相当不同,因此,支持该观念的人说:人类行为可以同样被改变。它声称,只要合适的人主宰社会,“人性”就能被转变。

This view is certainly a great step forward from the ‘naked ape’. But as an explanation of how society as a whole can be changed it fails. If everyone is completely conditioned in present-day society, how can anyone ever rise above society and see how to change the conditioning mechanisms? Is there some God-ordained minority that is magically immune to the pressures that dominate everyone else? If we are all animals in the circus, who can be the lion tamer?

  这个观点比起“裸猿”自然是进了一大步。但它无法解释社会作为整体如何能被改变。假如每个人都完全受当前社会的条件限制,那么任何人怎样可以高升到社会之上并看出如何改变条件限制的机制?是否存在天降大任的少数人可以魔术般地免除那支配着其他每个人的压力?假如我们都是马戏团里的动物,那么谁会是驯狮者?

Those who hold this theory either end up saying society cannot change (like the naked apers) or they believe change is produced by something outside society – by God, or a ‘great man’, or the power of individual ideas. Their ‘materialism’ lets a new version of idealism in through the back door.

抱此理论的人同样以宣称社会无法改变——就像裸猿论者——而告终,要么他们相信变革由社会之外的事物来造成,比如由上帝,或某个“伟人”,或个别人思想的力量。他们的“唯物主义”把一个新版的唯心主义从后门放了进来。

As Marx pointed out, this doctrine necessarily ends up by dividing society into two parts, one of which is superior to soci­ety. This ‘materialist’ view is often reactionary. One of the best known adherents of the view today is a right wing American psy­chologist called Skinner. He wants to condition people to behave in certain ways. But since he himself is a product of American capitalist society, his ‘conditioning’ merely means trying to make people conform to that society.

  正如马克思指出的,这个教条必然地通过把社会分成两部分、其中一部分超乎社会之上而告终。这种“唯物主义”观点往往是反动的。拥护这一观点的最出名的当代信徒就是名叫Skinner的美国右翼心理学家。他想要以特定方式来制约人类行为。但由于他自己是美国资本主义社会的产物,他的“制约”仅仅意味着设法使人类适应那个社会。

 

Another materialist view blames all the misery in the world on ‘population pressure’. (This is usually called Malthusian after Malthus, the English economist of the late 18th century who first developed it.) But it cannot explain why the United States, for instance, burns corn while people in India starve. Nor can it explain why 150 years ago there was not enough food produced in the US to feed 10 million people, while today enough is produced to feed 200 million.

还有一种唯物主义观点把世间所有的苦难归咎于“人口压力”。(18世界后期英国经济学家马尔萨斯最早发展了这一理论之后,持此观点的人通常被称为马尔萨斯主义者)。但它无法解释为什么譬如美国焚烧谷物,同时在印度人们却陷入饥饿,也不能解释为什么150年以前美国生产不出足够的粮食来供养一千万人,今天却可以供养两亿人口。

It forgets that every extra mouth to feed is also an extra person capable of working and creating wealth.

这个理论却忘记了,每多一张需要喂饱的嘴,同时也会多一个能够工作和创造价值的人。(原译者漏译)

Marx called all these mistaken explanations forms of ‘mechanical’ or ‘crude’ materialism. They all forget that as well as being part of the material world, human beings are also acting, living creatures whose actions change it.

 马克思把所有这些错误的解释方式称为“机械的”或“粗糙的”唯物主义。他们都忘记了,人类既是物质世界的一部份,同时也是行动的,并以其行动改变世界的活生生的人。

The materialist interpretation of history历史唯物主义的解释

Men can be distinguished from animals by consciousness, by reli­gion or anything else you like. They themselves begin to distinguish themselves from animals as soon as they begin to pro­duce their means of subsistence – their food, shelter and clothing.

“可以根据意识、宗教或随便别的什么来区别人和动物。一当人们自己开始生产他们所必需的生活资料——他们的衣、食、庇护所——的时候,他们就开始把自己和动物区别开来。

With these words, Karl Marx first stressed what was distinct about his explanation of how society developed. Human beings are animals descended from ape-like creatures. Like other ani­mals, their first concern is feeding themselves and protecting themselves from the climate.

 通过以上论述,马克思强调了他对社会如何发展的迥然不同的解释。人类是起源于类人猿的动物。就像其它动物,他们首先关心的就是养活自己,保护自己免遭气候伤害。

The way other animals do this depends on their inherited bio­logical make up. A wolf stays alive by chasing and killing its prey, in ways determined by its biologically inherited instincts. It keeps warm on cold nights because of its fur. It brings up its cubs according to inherited patterns of behaviour.

  其它动物靠遗传的生物结构做到这点。狼通过追击和杀死猎物维生,这种方式是它的生物本能决定了的。在寒冷的夜间,它以毛皮来保温。它按照遗传的行为模式来养育幼兽。

But human life is not fixed in this way. The humans who roamed the Earth 100,000 years ago or 30,000 years ago lived quite different lives from ourselves. They lived in caves and holes in the ground. They did not have any containers to keep food or water in, they depended for their food on collecting berries or throwing stones at wild animals. They could not write, or count beyond the fingers on their hands. They had no real knowledge of what went on beyond their immediate neighbourhood or what their forefathers had done.

但人的生命并不这样固定。10万年前或3万年前漫游于大地上的人类,跟我们生活得相当不同。他们住在地上的洞穴里。他们没有任何容器可以拿来贮存食物或水。他们获取食物,靠的是收集浆果或用石头掷击野兽。他们不会写,超出手指范围就不会计算。除了近邻之外,他们不清楚别的地方发生什么,也不知道他们的祖先做了什么。

Yet physically their make up 100,000 years ago was similar to that of modern man and 30,000 years ago it was identical. If you washed and shaved a caveman, put him in a suit and walked him down the high street, no one would think him out of place.

然而就身体构造来说,10万年前的他们跟现代人以及3万年前的人是一样的。要是你给一个野人洗个澡,刮个脸,穿上一套衣服,让他在大街上走,没有人会认为有何异样。

As the archaeologist C. Gordon Childe has noted:

 就像考古学家C. Gordon记述的:

The earliest skeletons of our own species belong to the closing phases of the last Ice Age … Since the time when skeletons of Homo sapiens first appear in the geological record … man’s bodily evolution has come virtually to a standstill, although his cultural progress was just beginning.


  我们人类最初的骨骼属于冰川纪晚期……从那时起智人的骨骼第一次出现在地质学的记录中……人的身体的演进实质上已经中止,虽然他的文化发展刚刚开始。

The same point is made by another archaeologist, Leakey:

另一位人类学家李基(Leakey)也持同样观点:

The physical differences between men of the Aurignacian and Magdalenian cultures (25,000 years ago) on the one hand, and present day men on the other is negligible, while the cultural dif­ference is immeasurable.

奥里尼雅克期(Aurignacian,法国旧石器时代前期)和马格德林期Magdalenian,欧洲旧石器时代的最后期)的人的身体,与当代人身体的差异,可以忽略不计,尽管文化上的差异无法估量。

By ‘culture’ the archaeologist means the things which men and women learn and teach one another (how to make clothes from furs or wool, how to make pots out of clay, how to make fire, how to build homes, and so forth) as opposed to those things that animals know instinctively.

考古学家所称的“文化”,指的是男女学习和传授给他人的(如何用动物的毛或羊毛制作衣服,如何用粘土制作罐子,如何生火,如何造屋,如此等等)、相对于动物靠本能了解的那些事情。

The lives of the earliest humans were already vastly differ­ent from those of other animals. For they were able to use the physical features peculiar to humans – large brains, forelimbs capable of manipulating objects – to begin to shape their sur­roundings to suit their needs. This meant humans could adapt themselves to a wide range of different conditions, without any change in their physical make up. Humans no longer simply reacted to conditions around them. They could act upon those conditions, beginning to change them to their own advantage.

这些早期的人类的生活,已经大大有别于动物。因为他们能够运用人类独有的身体特征——发达的大脑,能够控制物体的前肢——开始塑造环境以适合他们的需要。这意味着人类能使自己适应于大范围的不同环境,虽然身体构造没有任何改变。人类不再简单地对周围的环境起反应。他们能够按那些环境采取行动,开始按自己的利益改变它们。

At first they used sticks and stones to attack wild beasts, they lit torches from naturally occurring fires to provide themselves with heat and light, they covered themselves with vegetation and animal skins. Over many tens of thousands of years they learnt to make fire themselves, to shape stones using other stones, eventually to grow food from seeds they themselves had planted, to store it in pots made out of clay, and to domesticate certain animals.

最初,他们用棍棒和石头攻击野兽,利用自然界发生的火灾来点燃火把,为自己提供光与热,身上覆盖植物和动物的毛皮。过了好几万年,他们学会自己生火,利用别的石块来打造石块,最后自己播种来栽培粮食,把它贮存在用粘土造出的罐子里,以及驯养某些动物。

Comparatively recently – a mere 5,000 years ago, out of half a million years of human history – they learnt the secret of turn­ing ores into metals that could be shaped into reliable tools and effective weapons.

到了相当晚近时期——在五十万年之久的人类历史中仅约五千年前——他们获知了把矿物变成金属的奥秘,这使他们得以铸造可靠的工具和有效的武器。

Each of these advances had an enormous impact, not merely in making it easier for humans to feed and clothe themselves, but also in transforming the very organisation of human life itself. From the beginning human life was social. Only the joint efforts of several humans could enable them to kill the beasts, to gather the food and keep the fires going. They had to cooperate.

上述的每一个进步都造成巨大的影响,不仅使人类能够更容易地供给自己的衣食,而且改变了人类生活自身的组织。从一开始,人类的生活就是社会性的。只有几个人联合的努力才能使他们杀死野兽,采集食物,保持火种不灭。他们不能不彼此协作。

This continual close cooperation also caused them to com­municate, by uttering sounds and developing languages. At first the social groups were simple. There was not enough naturally growing produce anywhere to support groups of humans more than perhaps a couple of dozen strong. All effort had to be put into the basic tasks of getting the food, so everyone did the same job and lived the same sort of life.

这种持续不断的密切协作也促使他们通过发声和发展语言进行沟通。起先,社会群体是简单的。哪里都没有足够的自然长成的产物来供应大概超过数十人的人群。所有的努力都投入到获取食物的基本任务当中,因此每个人做着相同的工作,按同样的生活方式来生活。

With no means of storing any quantities of food, there could be no private property or class divisions, nor was there any booty to produce a motive for war.

假如没有工具可以保存一定数量的食物,就不会有私有财产或阶级分化,也不会有任何战利品可以引发战争的动机。

There were, until a few years ago, still hundreds of societies in many different parts of the globe where this was still the pattern – among some of the Indians of North and South America, some of the peoples of Equatorial Africa and the Pacific Ocean, the Aborigines of Australia.

直到不很久以前,地球上不同部分的数百个社会仍保持着这样的模式——在南北美洲的一些印第安人中间,近赤道的非洲和环太平洋的一些人民,澳洲土著。

Not that these people were less clever than ourselves or had a more ‘primitive mentality’. The Australian Aborigines, for instance, had to learn to recognise literally thousands of plants and the habits of scores of different animals in order to survive. The anthropologist Professor Firth has described how:

不是说这些人不如我们聪明,或有更多的“原始心态”。例如,为了生存,土著必须学会逐一识别数千种植物和不同动物的斑纹特征。人类学教授Firth曾这样描述:

Australian tribes … know the habits, markings, breeding grounds and seasonal fluctuations of all the edible animals, fish and birds of their hunting grounds. They know the external and some of the less obvious properties of rocks, stones, waxes, gums, plants, fibres and barks; they know how to make fire; they know how to apply heat to relieve pain, stop bleeding and delay the putrefac­tion of fresh food; and they also use fire and heat to harden some woods and soften others … They know something at least of the phases of the moon, the movement of the tides, the planetary cycles, and the sequence and duration of the seasons; they have correlated together such climactic fluctuations as wind systems, annual patterns of humidity and temperature and fluxes in the growth and presence of natural species … In addition they make intelligent and economical use of the by-products of animals killed for food; the flesh of the kangaroo is eaten; the leg bones are used as fabricators for stone tools and as pins; the sinews become spear bindings; the claws are set into necklaces with wax and fibre; the fat is combined with red ochre as a cosmetic, and blood is mixed with charcoal as paint... They have some knowl­edge of simple mechanical principles and will trim a boomerang again and again to give it the correct curve...

 澳洲部族……知道猎场中所有可食用动物、鱼和鸟的习性、斑纹、滋生地和季节性变迁。他们知道岩块、石头、蜂蜡、橡胶、植物、根须与树皮的外观和一些明显特性;他们知道如何生火;他们知道如何运用热量来解除疼痛,止血,延缓新鲜食物的腐烂;他们还用火与热来硬化某些木材,软化别的东西……他们至少知道月亮盈亏的某些情形,潮汐的运动,行星周期,季节的次序和期限;他们把诸如风系、每年温湿特点、自然界物种的生长和出现的变迁等等的高潮波动联系起来……此外,对于被宰杀来食用的动物的副产品,他们也派予聪明而经济的用途;袋鼠肉供食用;腿骨用来装配石器或当作陶瓷的脚;肌腱用来捆绑矛枪;脚爪用蜡和纤维制作成项链;脂肪跟红赭调和为化妆品,血跟木炭混制成油漆……他们拥有一些简单的机械原理的知识,并用以制作一种反复的来去镖,赋予正确的弯度……

They were much more ‘clever’ than us in dealing with the problems of surviving in the Australian desert. What they had not learnt was to plant seeds and grow their own food – something our own ancestors learnt only about 5,000 years ago, after being on the Earth for 100 times that period.

在对付澳大利亚沙漠里的生存问题时,他们比我们“机灵”得多。他们只是没学会播种,栽培自己的食物——我们自己的祖先大约只是在五千年前学会了它,那时至今才过了100个世代。

The development of new techniques of producing wealth – the means of human life – has always given birth to new forms of co­operation between humans, to new social relations.

生产财富——人类生存的手段——的新技术的发展总是带来人类协作的新的方式,新的社会关系

For example, when people first learnt to grow their own food (by planting seeds and domesticating animals) and to store it (in earthenware pots) there was a complete revolution in social life –  called by archaeologists ‘the neolithic revolution’. Humans had to cooperate together now to clear the land and to harvest food, as well as to hunt animals. They could live together in much greater numbers than before, they could store food and they could begin to exchange goods with other settlements.

例如,当人们第一次学会培育自己的食物(通过播种和驯养动物)并加以贮存(在陶罐里),社会生活中便有了一场彻底的革命——考古学家称之为“新石器时代的革命”。人类现在必须彼此协作来清理土壤和收割粮食,就像猎取野兽一样。他们能够比以前更大量地聚居在一起,能够贮藏食物,并且开始能够跟别的部落交换产品。

The first towns could develop. For the first time there was the possibility of some people leading lives that did not involve them just in providing food: some would specialise in making pots, some in mining flints and later metal for tools and weapons, some in carrying through elementary administrative tasks for the settlement as a whole. More ominously, the stored surplus of food provided a motive for war.

最早的城镇得以发展。第一次出现了一种可能性:某些人的生活不必只投入到提供食物上面:有的专门制作陶罐,有的开采燧石矿,后来是金属,用以制作工具和武器,有的从事为整个部落维持基本的行政管理的工作。越来越不祥的是,剩余食物的贮存产生了战争的动机。

 

People had begun by discovering new ways of dealing with the world around them, or harnessing nature to their needs. But in the process, without intending it, they had transformed the society in which they lived and with it their own lives. Marx summed up this process: a development of the ‘forces of pro­duction’ changed the ‘relations of production’ and, through them, society.

  人们已开始借发现新方法来应对他们周围的世界,或根据他们的利益来利用自然界。但在此过程中,意想不到地,他们已改变了他们生存的社会,以及他们自己的生活。马克思总结了这个过程:“生产力”的发展改变了“生产关系”,并由此改变了社会。

There are many more recent examples. Some 300 years ago the vast majority of people in this coun­try still lived on the land, producing food by techniques that had not changed for centuries. Their mental horizon was bounded by the local village and their ideas very much influenced by the local church. The vast majority did not need to read and write, and never learned to.


  还有许多新近的例子。大约300年前,本国的大多数人仍靠土地生活,靠着数世纪来不变的技术生产粮食。他们的精神范围局限于当地村庄,意识则深受当地教堂的影响。大多数人无需读和写,也从不学习。


Then, 200 years ago, industry began to develop. Tens of thou­sands of people were drawn into the factories. Their lives underwent a complete transformation. Now they lived in great towns, not small villages. They needed to learn skills undreamt of by their ancestors, including eventually the ability to read and write. Railways and steamships made it possible to travel across half the Earth. The old ideas hammered into their heads by the priests no longer fitted at all. The material revolution in pro­duction was also a revolution in the way they lived and in the ideas they had.

  之后,200年前,工业开始发展。数万人被拖进工厂。他们的生活遭遇到根本的转变。现在他们生存在大城市而非小村落里。他们需要学习祖先们梦想不到的技巧,乃至读和写的能力。铁路和轮船使环球旅行变为可能。由牧师敲进他们头脑里的旧观念已根本不再适用。生产上的物质革命同时也是他们的生活方式和持有的观念的革命。

Similar changes are still affecting vast numbers of people. Look at the way people from villages in Bangladesh or Turkey have been drawn to the factories of England or Germany seeking work. Look at the way many find that their old customs and reli­gious attitudes no longer fit.


  类似变化仍在影响大量的人群。可以看看从孟加拉或土耳其乡村被带到英国或德国工厂里的人们是怎样在寻求工作。看看许多人怎样发现他们的旧习惯和宗教观已不合时宜。

  

Or look at the way in the past 50 years the majority of women have got used to working outside the home and how this has led them to challenge the old attitude that they were virtually the property of their husbands.

 

或者看看在过去50年里多数妇女已怎样习惯了家庭外的工作,以及这怎样导致了她们向把她们事实上视为丈夫财产的守旧态度发起挑战。

 

Changes in the way humans work together to produce the things that feed, clothe and shelter them cause changes in the way in which society is organised and the attitude of people in it. This is the secret of social change – of history – that the thinkers before Marx (and many since), the idealists and the mechanical materialists, could not understand.

 人类为了制造衣食和庇护所而共同工作的方式的改变,导致社会组织方式以及生活在其中的人们的态度的改变。这是——历史的——社会改造的秘密,马克思以前(及以后)的思想家们,包括唯心主义者机械唯物主义者,都不能理解它。

The idealists saw there was change – but said it must come out of the skies. The mechanical materialists saw that humans were conditioned by the material world but could not understand how things could ever change. What Marx saw was that human beings are conditioned by the world around them, but that they react back upon the world, working on it so as to make it more habit­able. But in doing so they change the conditions under which they live and therefore themselves as well.

 唯心主义者看到了改变——但声称它一定源自上天。机械唯物主义者看到人类受到物质世界的限制,但不能理解事情如何能够改变。马克思则看到,人类受到他们周围世界的制约,但他们也反作用于世界,影响它,乃至于将它变得更适于居住。而在这么做时,他们改变了生存的环境,也因此改变了自身。

The key to understanding change in society lies in under­standing how human beings cope with the problem of creating their food, shelter and clothing. That was Marx’s starting point. But that does not mean Marxists believe that improvements in technology automatically produce a better society, or even that inventions automatically lead to changes in society. Marx rejected this view (sometimes called technological determinism). Again and again in history, people have rejected ideas for advanc­ing the production of food, shelter or clothing because these clash with the attitudes or the forms of society that already exist.

  要理解社会的改变,关键在于理解人类如何解决他们衣、食、住的问题。这是马克思的出发点。但这并不意味着马克思主义者相信技术进步会自动产生出一个更好的社会,乃至于发明创造会自动导向社会变革。马克思拒绝这种观点(有时被称为技术决定论)。历史上曾经不只一次,人们拒绝衣、食、住的生产的进步,因为它们与既存社会的观念和形态相冲突。

For example, under the Roman Empire there were many ideas about how to produce more crops from a given amount of ground, but people didn’t put them into effect because they required more devotion to work than you could get from slaves working under fear of the whip. When the British ruled Ireland in the 18th century they tried to stop the development of indus­try there because it clashed with the interests of businessmen in London.

  例如,在罗马帝国时期,有许多如何从一定数量的土地上生产出更多农作物的主张,但人们并不将之付诸实现,因为它们要求对工作更多的投入,超过了他们从处在鞭挞恐惧下的奴隶劳动所能榨取的。18世纪英国统治爱尔兰时,他们设法阻止那里的工业发展,因为它跟伦敦商人的利益相抵触。

If someone produced a method of solving the food problem of India by slaughtering the sacred cows or providing everyone in Britain with succulent steaks by processing rat meat, they would be ignored because of established prejudices.

  如果有人提出一个通过屠宰圣牛来解决印度粮食问题的方法,或者把老鼠肉加工成肉片供应给英国的每个人,没人会加以理睬,因为既有的成见之故。


Developments in production challenge old prejudices and old ways of organising society, but they do not automatically overthrow those old prejudices and social forms. Many human beings fight to prevent change – and those wanting to use new methods of production have to fight/or change. If those who oppose change win, then the new forms of production cannot come into operation and production stagnates or even goes backwards.

  生产的发展挑战旧的成见和旧的社会组织方式,但它们并不自动推翻那些旧的成见和社会形态。很多人奋力阻止改变——那些使用新的生产方式的人不得不为了改变而奋战。假如反对改变的人获胜了,那么新的生产方式便不能生效,生产将会停滞甚至倒退。

In Marxist terminology: as the forces of production develop they clash with the pre-existing social relations and ideas that grew up on the basis of old forces of production. Either people identified with the new forces of production win this clash, or those identified with the old system do. In the one case, society moves forward, in the other it remains stuck in a rut, or even goes backwards.

  用马克思的术语来说:当生产力发展了,他们就跟以旧生产力为基础成长起来的既存的社会关系及观念起冲突。不是认同新生产力的人在冲突中获胜,就是认同旧生产力的人获胜。如果是前一种情形,社会将前进,否则它将停留在旧的轨道上,或是倒退。

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